PROMEURO's Contribution to the European Convention - 06.08.2002

 CONTRIBUTION   of   PROMEURO asbl.
to the
EUROPEAN CONVENTION


« Was the European Union not made with people who detested each other ? But they were close through their culture and men of exception were found to remind them of this and draw the appropriate conclusions. »
Amin Maalouf, EIB Forum on the  Mediterranean, Madrid, November 1996

Since its creation in 1990, the Association of Citizens for the Promotion of the European Currency (PROMEURO asbl.) works to help citizens participate more actively in the creation of the Economic and Monetary Union and European integration at large. PROMEURO originated from the European Federalists (UEF) but it is politically and religiously neutral. For 12 years, it organised numerous conferences and developed factual multimedia education programmes in several languages about the euro and its implications for the European citizen. It is officially located in Luxembourg but its constitution is European.
For the European Convention, PROMEURO joined forces with « The Federalist Voice » and supports its recommendations. In particular, PROMEURO associates itself with those of the European League of Economic Cooperation. This present declaration is to be seen as complementary. 

A. EUROPE AT A CROSSROADS

1. Share Sovereignty. Peace in a post-modern world economy will depend on the capacity of world powers to swap their past search for hegemony for sharing sovereignty.  With the euro, Europe paved the way in the monetary field. it now needs to follow through in the political arena. If European governments fail to demonstrate that they can share political sovereignty, they should not expect other nations, often culturally much wider apart to do so. Sharing power is of critical importance for a Europe made of States too small to matter compared to the United States, today, China or India tomorrow. Only a European government representing more than 500 million people will matter on the world scene.

2. The basic principle of the Founding Fathers of the European Community by which economic integration served as basis for political integration has run its course with the advent of the Single Market and the euro.  From now on, only political integration per se can improve the Europeans' well-being. Despite some declarations to the contrary, the euro will not remain a credible currency without a European government. Economic growth in the euro zone did not benefit from a « euro effect» because of blockages in areas with strong political input like fiscal harmonisation, for instance.

3. Today, in Europeans' everyday life, matters of common interest are at least as important as those of local interest. Environmental, food health, transport, employment, foreign policy or defence problems can no longer be solved efficiently at the national level. 

                                       
B. THE EUROPEAN CITIZENS' EXEPCTATIONS?

1. Massive absenteism at many elections, reveal the citizens' disarray in front of the complexity of the challenges combined with the inadequacy of the political structure supposed to handle them. Challenges are regional, national, European or international while national structures very much dominate the political scene. 

2. With the euro, Europeans have finally a stable currency whose intrinsic value is guaranteed by independent European authorities. But, money being a key factor of power, they have also lost part of their « sovereignty ». To regain part of that « sovereignty » the democratic deficit that characterises the European construction must be filled. At the European level, there is today too much « Cavour » and not enough « Mazzini » as a consequence of the imbalance between the executive and legislative powers. Citizens also want more direct democracy meaning more power at the regional level and access to referendum. This is the knot of the whole issue.

4. Numerous citizens (and politicians) are not yet fully informed of the implications of the euro : exaggerated salary raises can no longer be compensated by competitive devaluation and excess public debt paid for by the next generation  ? Citizens have become suspicious : rare were the PROMEURO conferences during which someone in the audience did not express his distrust toward political leaders. Citizens are of the impression that they use Europe to reinforce their own position instead of serving the citizens' interest.  It is not surprising that the average citizen has lost confidence in the whole political system and some European Institutions.

5. Many citizens fear the Union's enlargement. The adhesion of Central European countries will, initially at least, transform the poor of the rich countries into the rich of a poorer Europe. Today, they benefit from public aid - already cut down under the Growth and Stability Pact -, tomorrow they might find themselves instead contributing directly or indirectly (delocalisation, reduction of agricultural subsidies,.) to social or regional assistance. This feeling is sometime exacerbated by the impression that Europe is a matter for the rich : TGVs instead of local trains, highways instead of rural infrastructure, multinationals, costly trans-border payments of small amounts,... This fear may well explain some of the recent successes of extreme nationalist parties.


6. Finally, a class of privileged citizens oppose European integration because they draw financial advantages from the hermetic partition between national fiscal and regulatory legislations.


C. WHAT SHOULD THE CONVENTION PROPOSE ?

1. Define Europe's fundamental values. One of Europe's wealth, is its cultural diversity. At the same time, Europeans share common values that need to be identified as such and protected against the commercial interests of dominant world powers. Democracy with its basic principles and especially liberty - free elections, freedom of the press, free competition (a principle already enshrined in the Union Treaty), and free access to basic human rights giving each being the opportunity to realise his potential in a just society as defined by the philosopher John Rawls. On the international front, the principle of power sharing should become Europe's trademark. Political structures must also protect minority values.

2. Fill the democratic gap.  The European legislative power could be reinforced in three ways : (1) stop the Council, composed of members of the national executives from claiming legislative powers by paralleling the European Parliament (this is in conflict with the basic democratic principle of separation of powers and weakens currently both European executive and legislative authorities); (2) improve the population representation in the European Parliament; and, (3) create a second chamber composed of the same number for each country of national Parliamentarians  ( cf. Minister Mark Eyskens' proposal of an Interparlementarian  Assembly). This is most likely the key to get Europe closer to each citizen's heart. No small nation will accept to forego to have his own representative in the European executive, if it does not have an equal representation in the European legislative. 

· Reinforce the European Executive power in order to accelerate the implementation of decisions of common interest. The Convention could reproduce the successful structure used for the euro: a central federal body - the European Central Bank - that coordinates work by national authorities - the European System of Central Banks. Such a structure ensures that issues of common and local interests receive equal treatment without national interests stopping or delaying responding to the legitimate aspirations of a majority of Europeans. Under the Presidency of the General Directorate of the European Commission, for instance, national Ministries of the sector concerned would identify issues of common interest to be solved by the European Commission while respecting the principle of subsidiarity. Together, they would have the authority to initiate, propose to the legislative bodies and implement decisions regarding their sector of competence. Such a structure would accelerate the development in sectors like transport, environment, agriculture, economy, development aid as well as foreign affairs and defence where common interests dominate.

· Restore the credibility of the European Institutions. For the European Institutions to become the real expression of a European vision and to restore their popularity, at least three changes are required :

-      End nominations to the upper echelons by national governments. Outside nominations are recognised as harmful to private and semi-public enterprises but they also harm the efficiency of administrative organisations. The current practice turns European institutions into a mosaic of national interests particularly of those of the large countries who can weave networks of nationals in their midst. Nominations must remain the sole responsibility of the President of the institution. He shall be responsible for maintaining a proper balance among national sensitivities.

- Phase out the extraterritoriality status of the European Institutions which further isolates them from the "normal citizens". Extraterritoriality stands in the way of legitimising and popularising federal European Institutions.

- Generalise the rule already applied at the European Court of Justice by which, in affairs concerning their own country, managers have only consultative powers and refrain from voting.


5. Popularise Europe by encouraging the celebration of the 9th of May in all EU-member countries, with official festivities, by promoting courses on European citizenship in schools particularly on that day or by declaring it a holiday. The European flag should be flown over all official buildings and the anthem sung more frequently by national politicians. Teaching the Esperanto, particularly in primary school, would help popularise learning a foreign language. Each big European city should have its Institute of Citizenship to disseminate common cultural values to all Europeans and teach the obligations as well as the privileges of belonging to a world power.


D. REMARKS :

· The Convention should demystify the  term « federalism». Any grouping of independent national States implies « federating ».  It is the only system that establishes clearly the relative responsibilities when making decisions ; The choice is not between a federal or not federal Europe, it is between a Presidential federation (United-States), a Parlementarian one (Germany) or a collegial one (Switzerland).  To those who fear a future « Super-State », should instead recognise the danger of the existing system of three « super-States ».

· The Convention must resist being black-mailed into delaying reforms by those countries that are systematically one battle too late on European issues.


· «Civilisation is a disease invariably fatal» warn the historians. The Convention must be ambitious and pull Europe (the "Old Continent") out of its current decadence and under-development (poor economic performance, high unemployment, depend on dominant powers for decision on its own international future). Better an ambitious project implemented in phases like the Economic and Monetary Union than a minimalist project that offers no hope for our youngsters of a strong and open "New Europe". 


« European unification was never realised by politicians who owe their power and fortune to its separation[...] ; it is as if one would entrust to producer of buttons the publicity for the zipper. » Alexis Curvers, Tempo di Roma,  1957

« Ony federalism allowed Americans to enjoy the power of a big nation and the security of a small one ». Alexis de Tocqueville, About Democracy in America,  1835
            Jean-Jacques SCHUL