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Message to Europeans (The Hague, 10 May 1948)
CONGRESS OF EUROPE 1948
www.ena.lu/europe/pioneering/message-europeans-hague-1948.htm
Europe is threatened, Europe is divided, and the greatest danger comes from her divisions. Impoverished, overladen with barriers that prevent the circulation of her goods but are no longer able to afford her protection, our disunited Europe marches towards her end. Alone, no one of our countries can hope seriously to defend its independence. Alone, no one of our countries can solve the economic problems of today. Without a freely agreed union our present anarchy will expose us tomorrow to forcible unification whether by the intervention of a foreign empire or usurpation by a political party.
The hour has come to take action commensurate with the danger.
Together with the overseas peoples associated with our destinies, we can tomorrow build the greatest political formation and the greatest economic unit our age has seen. Never will the history of the world have known so powerful a gathering of free men. Never will war, fear and misery have been checked by a more formidable foe.
Between this great peril and this great hope, Europe's mission is clear. It is to unite her peoples in accordance with their genius of diversity and with the conditions of modem community life, and so open the way towards organised freedom for which the world is seeking. It is to revive her inventive powers for the greater protection and respect of the rights and duties of the individual of which, in spite of all her mistakes, Europe is still the greatest exponent.
Human dignity is Europe's finest achievement, freedom her true strength. Both are at stake in our struggle. The union of our continent is now needed not only for the salvation of the liberties we have won, but also for the extension of their benefits to all mankind.
Upon this union depend Europe's destiny and the world's peace.
Let all therefore take note that we Europeans, assembled to express the will of all the peoples of Europe, solemnly declare our common aims in the following five articles, which summarise the resolutions adopted by the Congress:
We desire a United Europe, throughout whose area the free movement of persons, ideas and goods is restored;
We desire a Charter of Human Rights guaranteeing liberty of thought, assembly and expression as well as the right to form a political opposition;
We desire a Court of Justice with adequate sanctions for the implementation of this Charter;
We desire a European Assembly where the live forces of all our nations shall be represented;
- And pledge ourselves in our homes and in public, in our political and religious life, in our professional and trade union circles, to give our fullest support to all persons and governments working for this lofty cause, which offers the last chance of peace and the one promise of a great future for this generation and those that will succeed it.
The Hague Congress (May 1998)
The Hague Congress
May 1948 - May 1998
Building Europe for the 21st Century
The European Movement is going back to the sources of European integration.
With its return to The Hague from 8 to 10 May 1998, the European Movement celebrates the 50th anniversary of a historic Congress: the gathering which, from 7 to 11 May 1948, barely three years after the end of the Second World War, brought together more than 800 delegates from the widest horizons, to debate the future of Europe in the "Ridderzaal't (Knights' Hall).
In May 1998, the European Movement went back to the sources of integration as a means of recalling its ultimate goals. They alone made it possible to stay the course, to take up the challenges of the 21st century and to create a new spring for Europe.
More than most organizations, the European Movement realizes that European integration is a combat. It remembers that in its "Message to Europeans", the 1948 Congress stated: "The time has come for the nations of Europe to surrender certain of their sovereign rights and to exercise them in common, with a view to coordinating and developing their resources." But it would also point out that the 1948 Congress triggered a political battle setting against each other the supporters of two different visions of European integration. On the one hand, the partisans of simple intergovernmental cooperation; this approach culminated a few months later in the creation of the Council of Europe. On the other, the partisans of supranational integration which began to crystallize in the Schurnan Declaration of 9 May 1950, which paved the way to Europe's political and economic integration.
This combat is still going on today. Understand its significance and pursuing it requires taking a look back at its origins and at the road already travelled. So that Europe, now more than ever, can be an example of peaceflil integration for the entire world.
The European Movement is convinced that the values and the ideal of peace that inspired delegates in 1948 have lost none of their force. Only a Europe of solidarity and unity will be capable of meeting the challenges of today's world. It is no longer, as was the case in 1948, a matter of rebuilding a Europe destroyed by war, but of reconciling Europe with itself, in its geographical integrity, and with its citizens.
This is what is asserted, in the words, sensibilities and concerns of this end of century, by the representatives of European society who met together in The Hague for the "Congress of New Hope". They declared that the Europe they dream of is not the still unfinished Europe in which they live. Like their predecessors, they demanded another Europe, more Europe, a stronger Europe. Clearly, a Europe loyal to its federal goal.
Speech by Winston Churchill

I wish to speak about the tragedy of Europe, this noble continent, the home of all the great parent races of the Western world, the foundation of Christian faith and ethics, the origin of most of the culture, arts, philosophy and science both of ancient and modern times. If Europe were once united in the sharing of its common inheritance there would be no limit to the happiness, prosperity and glory which its 300 million or 400 million people would enjoy. Yet it is from Europe that has sprung that series of frightful nationalistic quarrels, originated by the Teutonic nations in their rise to power, which we have seen in this 20th century and in our own lifetime wreck the peace and mar the prospects of all mankind.
What is this plight to which Europe has been reduced? Some of the smaller states have indeed made a good recovery, but over wide areas are a vast, quivering mass of tormented, hungry, careworn and bewildered human beings, who wait in the ruins of their cities and homes and scan the dark horizons for the approach of some new form of tyranny or terror. Among the victors there is a Babel of voices, among the vanquished the sullen silence of despair. That is all that Europeans, grouped in so many ancient states and nations, and that is all that the Germanic races have got by tearing each other to pieces and spreading havoc far and wide. Indeed, but for the fact that the great republic across the Atlantic realised that the ruin or enslavement of Europe would involve her own fate as well, and stretched out hands of succour and guidance, the Dark Ages would have returned in all their cruelty and squalor. They may still return.
Yet all the while there is a remedy which, if it were generally and spontaneously adopted by the great majority of people in many lands, would as by a miracle transform the whole scene and would in a few years make all Europe, or the greater part of it, as free and happy as Switzerland is today. What is this sovereign remedy? It is to recreate the European fabric, or as much of it as we can, and to provide it with a structure under which it can dwell in peace, safety and freedom. We must build a kind of United States of Europe. In this way only will hundreds of millions of toilers be able to regain the simple joys and hopes which make life worth living. The process is simple. All that is needed is the resolve of hundreds of millions of men and women to do right instead of wrong and to gain as their reward blessing instead of cursing.
Much work has been done upon this task by the exertions of the Pan-European Union, which owes so much to the famous French patriot and statesman Aristide Briand. There is also that immense body which was brought into being amidst high hopes after the First World War — the League of Nations. The League did not fail because of its principles or conceptions. It failed because those principles were deserted by those states which brought it into being, because the governments of those states feared to face the facts and act while time remained. This disaster must not be repeated. There is, therefore, much knowledge and material with which to build and also bitter, dearly bought experience to spur.
There is no reason why a regional organisation of Europe should in any way conflict with the world organisation of the United Nations. On the contrary, I believe that the larger synthesis can only survive if it is founded upon broad natural groupings. There is already a natural grouping in the Western Hemisphere. We British have our own Commonwealth of Nations. These do not weaken, on the contrary they strengthen, the world organisation. They are in fact its main support. And why should there not be a European group which could give a sense of enlarged patriotism and common citizenship to the distracted peoples of this mighty continent? And why should it not take its rightful place with other great groupings and help to shape the honourable destiny of man? In order that this may be accomplished there must be an act of faith in which the millions of families speaking many languages must consciously take part.
We all know that the two World Wars through which we have passed arose out of the vain passion of Germany to play a dominating part in the world. In this last struggle crimes and massacres have been committed for which there is no parallel since the Mongol invasion of the 13th century, no equal at any time in human history. The guilty must be punished. Germany must be deprived of the power to rearm and make another aggressive war. But when all this has been done, as it will be done, as it is being done, there must be an end to retribution. There must be what Mr Gladstone many years ago called a “blessed act of oblivion”. We must all turn our backs upon the horrors of the past and look to the future. We cannot afford to drag forward across the years to come hatreds and revenges which have sprung from the injuries of the past. If Europe is to be saved from infinite misery, and indeed from final doom, there must be this act of faith in the European family, this act of oblivion against all crimes and follies of the past. Can the peoples of Europe rise to the heights of the soul and of the instinct and spirit of man? If they could, the wrongs and injuries which have been inflicted would have been washed away on all sides by the miseries which have been endured. Is there any need for further floods of agony? Is the only lesson of history to be that mankind is unteachable? Let there be justice, mercy and freedom. The peoples have only to will it and all will achieve their heart’s desire.
I am now going to say something that will astonish you. The first step in the re-creation of the European family must be a partnership between France and Germany. In this way only can France recover the moral and cultural leadership of Europe. There can be no revival of Europe without a spiritually great France and a spiritually great Germany. The structure of the United States of Europe will be such as to make the material strength of a single State less important. Small nations will count as much as large ones and gain their honour by a contribution to the common cause. The ancient States and principalities of Germany, freely joined for mutual convenience in a federal system, might take their individual places among the United States of Europe.
But I must give you warning, time may be short. At present there is a breathing space. The cannons have ceased firing. The fighting has stopped. But the dangers have not stopped. If we are to form a United States of Europe, or whatever name it may take, we must begin now. In these present days we dwell strangely and precariously under the shield, and I even say protection, of the atomic bomb. The atomic bomb is still only in the hands of a nation which, we know, will never use it except in the cause of right and freedom, but it may well be that in a few years this awful agency of destruction will be widespread and that the catastrophe following from its use by several warring nations will not only bring to an end all that we call civilisation but may possibly disintegrate the globe itself.
I now sum up the propositions which are before you. Our constant aim must be to build and fortify the United Nations Organisation. Under and within that world concept we must re-create the European family in a regional structure called, it may be, the United States of Europe, and the first practical step will be to form a Council of Europe. If at first all the States of Europe are not willing or able to join a union we must nevertheless proceed to assemble and combine those who will and who can. The salvation of the common people of every race and every land from war and servitude must be established on solid foundations, and must be created by the readiness of all men and women to die rather than to submit to tyranny. In this urgent work France and Germany must take the lead together. Great Britain, the British Commonwealth of Nations, mighty America — and, I trust, Soviet Russia, for then indeed all would be well — must be the friends and sponsors of the new Europe and must champion its right to live. Therefore I say to you “Let Europe arise!”
The Hague 1948 Illustrious figures

- Winston Churchill

- Harold Macmlllan

- Paul Ramadier

- Paul Reynaud

- François Mitterrand

- Paul van Zeeland

- Earl Bertrand Russel

- Raymond Aron

- Willem Asselbergs

- Anton van Duinkerken

- Salvatore Quasimodo

- Guiseppe Ungaretti

- lgnazio Silone

- Arnulf Oeverland

- Altiero Spinelli

- Professor Ernesto Rossi

- Hendrik Brugmans

- Alexandre Marc

- Jean Monnet

- Konrad Adenauer
The Congress of Europe in The Hague did not find its place in history solely as a result of the message it sent out to all Europeans, but also because of the standing of the figures who participated. In fact, it was a prestigious and learned assembly that gathered in 1948, counting both politicians and representatives of “civil society”.
Mention of The Hague Congress first brings to mind, unquestionably, the names of prestigious politicians such as Winston Churchill and Harold Macmlllan, for the UK, former French Prime Ministers Paul Ramadier and Paul Reynaud, and a fresh-from-school and still relatively obscure Minister of War Veterans, François Mitterrand. Former Ministers Paul van Zeeland and Julien Hoste represented Belgium
But a scan of the long list of participants reveals the names of many other well known figures not belonging to the world of politics, for example, Earl Bertrand Russel, the English philosopher and author, and his famous French colleague Raymond Aron. The world of artists was represented in the person of Dutch Professor WiIlem Asselbergs, better known under his nom de plume, Anton van Duinkerken. Nobel Prize winners were also present, such as Salvatore Quasimodo and his compatriot Guiseppe Ungaretti. Another illustrious Italian figure lgnazio Silone also participated as well as the Norwegian Arnulf Oeverland.
The Europeans shaped by their underground struggles were obviously not absent, with Altiero Spinelli, author of the famous Ventotene Manifesto, and his comrade in arms Professor Ernesto Rossi, for Italy. Also, the Netherlands’ Hendrik Brugmans, former prisoner of war, who did not know at the time that he would one day become the first Rector of the College of Europe in Bruges. We also note the participation of Alexandre Marc, founder of the «Centre international de formation européenne» (C.l.F.E.).
Did each of these participants fully realize at the time the historical importance of this meeting? Perhaps not, but some were deeply aware 0f experiencing a turning point in history. In his “Mémoires interrompus”, French President François Mltterrand explains: “I was present somewhat by chance, having received an invitation by roundabout means of which I was unaware. But I was deeply conscious of the importance 0f this gathering, at a turning point in history, only two years after the end of the cruelest of Europe's internal wars.”
Jean Monnet, the “Father of Europe”, also elaborated upon the Congress of Europe in his Mémoires. His testimony especially reveals the extent to which the German delegation operated behind the scenes, without being taken fully into consideration. After describing the political figures present in The Hague who, he believed, seemed destined to shape the future, Monnet added: “And there were also the unknowns: a German MP, Konrad Adenauer; a professor from Frankfurt, Walter Hallstein...”
Monnets opinion of the Congress was mixed, however: “In the great confusion of ideas characteristic of such gatherings, I am sure that one could have discerned some productive lines of action mixed up with a great many dreams. But I admit that I did not pay too much attention and the bogging down of the enthusiastic resolutions that were to end up a year later in the Council of Europe solution confirmed for me that this way led to an impasse.”
Monnets premonitory appraisal 0f the German contribution was reinforced by Hendrik Brugmann’s perception of the event: “There was an important German delegation led by Dr Adenauer. Its members participated very discreetly in public debates, but its very presence was the symbol of a new era.”

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